Roman Hautala

I think you might be interested in my alternative opinion
bsky.app/profile/roma...

Thanks!

Thank you very much!

Hautala, Roman. Masters of the Earth: A History of the Golden Horde, 1219–1502. London: Reaktion Books, 2026.
reaktionbooks.co.uk/work/masters...

#mongolsky
#tengri
#medievalsky

"The Chinese Uighur animal calendar in Persian historiography of the Mongol period" This paper aims to explain the use of dates according to the animal calendar as found in a handful of Persian chronicles of the Mongol and Timurid periods; the main conclusions of the article are that...

You will find the answer to your question in this article:
www.academia.edu/30198999

7. Every time the question arises whether this is a translation error or whether this word is actually indicated in the Tashkent manuscript of Rashid al-Din.

6. It is curious that the Soviet translation further calls the year of the hare the year of the fish (see screenshot), which, as far as I know, does not exist in the Mongolian calendar (unless, of course, it refers to the dragon).

5. However, immediately after this, he indicated that Hülägü was near Samarqand in the fall of 1255. Juvaini was probably mistaken in the first two dates, and Hülägü left Mongolia in the autumn of 1254 and reached the region of Almaliq in the spring of 1255.

4. who claimed that Hülägü had left Mongolia a year earlier and reached the region of Almaliq in the spring of 1254 (before stopping for the summer in the Tien Shan Mountains).

3. Elsewhere (Thackston 1998–9, p. 413; Boyle 1971, p. 223; Verkhovskii 1960, p. 144), Rashid al-Din followed Juvaini (Boyle p. 611–612),

2. in accordance with his brother’s (Möngke’s) command, after leaving his aghruqs there, he (Hülägü) set out for this land (Iran) with and enormous army” (Thackston 1998–9, p. 479; Arends 1946, p. 24).

1. A rare case where the Muslim date matches the Mongol one in Rashid al-Din’s text and where the English translation matches the Russian one: “In the autumn of Bars Yil, the Year of the Leopard [21.1.1254–8.2.1255] that began in Dhu’l-Hijja 651 [22.1.1254],

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#tengri

8. Here is the relevant page from “Kitāb nuzhat al-mushtāq fī ikhtirāq al-āfāq / Al-Kitāb al-Rujārī” by Muḥammad al-Idrīsī:
Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Arabe 2221, fol. 297r.
gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/b...

7. It seems to me that William of Rubruck reproduced the actual name of the region. In particular, al-Idrisi’s map (or rather Konrad Miller’s facsimile with Latin transcription) refers to the region as “Gargun”.
www.loc.gov/item/2007626...

6. However, his proposal seems unacceptable to me, since Khwarazm was located at a considerable distance from the region and, as far as I know, the power of the Khwarazmshahs did not extend to the land of the Qarluqs.

5. For his part, Jackson believes that the name is “in fact a corruption of Urgench, the capital of Khwarazm, the name of the chief city being applied to the country as a whole”.

4. In turn, Peter Jackson mentions previous interpretations that linked this name with Orqina Khatun, regent of the Chaghadayid ulus, although her power did not extend to the southeast of modern Qazaqstan.

3. Friar William himself gives a funny, but implausible explanation regarding the name Organum: “It is possibly after these people that organa are named, inasmuch as they used to be, I was told, excellent misntrels [chitariste] or musicians [organiste]”.

2. “This country used to be known as Organum and to have its own language and script” (The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck. His Journey to the Court of the Great Khan Möngke, 1253–1255 / Jackson, Peter (tr.). London: The Hakluyt Society, 1990, p. 148).

1. An interesting remark by Peter Jackson regarding the passage in William of Rubruck’s “Itinerarium” where he talks about the former land of the Qarluqs whose capital was Qayaliq in the modern Sarkand district of Zhetysu region of Qazaqstan:

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#tengri

6. A reference to the “Resurrection Chronicle”, from which I quoted:
Moscow, State Historical Museum, Sin. 144, Ibid., fol. 237r.
catalog.shm.ru/entity/OBJEC...

5. As is well known, the Polish king refused to provide military aid to the Tatar Khan, despite previous promises. Who knows how things would have turned out if Casimir had been more farsighted. Perhaps the Ukrainians wouldn’t have had to burn the oil depot in Velikie Luki now.

4. For their part, Ivan III’s brothers predictably preferred to reconcile with the Moscow prince after some hesitation and joined his army during the clash with the Tatar troops.

3. However, Casimir IV “refused them, but granted [the revenues of] Vitsebsk for the maintenance of their wives”. That is, the Polish king did not dare to intervene in the conflict directly but assured both princes that they could find refuge in his lands if necessary.

2. This is the very town where Andrei and Boris, the rebellious brothers of Ivan III, fled, and from where they asked for help from King Casimir IV of Poland on the eve of Ahmad Khan’s invasion of Muscovite lands in 1480.

1. A beautiful fire in Velikie Luki, Pskov region

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#tengri

Zelenskyy claims there were "more than 70 missiles in total"
x.com/ZelenskyyUa/...

Yes, Juzjani's mention is a strong argument. Perhaps I'm placing too much trust in Ibn al-Athir's account

2. His subsequent arrival in Gurganj by sea and raid toward Afghanistan seem implausible. He likely remained in Afghanistan from the beginning of the Mongol invasion.

1. It's quite possible that Nasawi invented the story that Jalal al-Din remained with his father until his death and received his dying blessing for the Khwarazmian throne, to legitimize his future reign.