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In celebration of Black History Month, BLACKXBOLD Magazine and The Lantern have come together for the sixth installment of the Black Voices Special Edition. In an effort to highlight the Black experience on campus, the project presents stories highlighting and celebrating the experiences and achievements of the local Black community. BLACKXBOLD Magazine, founded in 2018, aims to uplift, inspire and champion underserved and underrepresented voices within the Ohio State community. By the culture, for the culture. Since 1881, The Lantern has been the student voice on Ohio State’s campus. The staff is committed to championing diverse voices and stories. TORRANCE LANG How the Black Student Association continues to thrive in light of funding changes The Black Student Association’s goal is to “take up space.” Its slogan calls for the Black community and allies on campus to dwell in the community through BSA-provided opportunities, such as group trips and community scholarship opportunities. Read OLIVIA ARTHUR Ohio State Alumna’s Award-Winning Play ‘Jaja’s African Hair Braiding’ comes to Columbus The Contemporary Theatre of Ohio’s production of Tony Award-winning play “Jaja’s African Hair Braiding,” written by Ohio State alumna Jocelyn Bioh, will take the stage in Studio One at the Riffe Center Thursday and will run through March 22. Read XIYONNE MCCULLOUGH, FRANCIS BEAM ‘Strength in Unity’: fifth anniversary of USG dinner The first plates arrived shimmering under the warm lights of the MLK Lounge in Hale Hall — fried chicken stacked high, greens glistening, cornbread breaking apart in soft, golden crumbs. Plates were served, the room quieted. “Lift every voice and sing…” The African American Voices Gospel Choir rose in unison, their harmonies swelling through the Hale Black Cultural Center. Read GRAYSON NEWBOURN, HELENA HENNESSY Ohio State professor Victor St. John reflects on ‘Love Is Blind’ experience, marriage and newfound friendships For 10 seasons now, the hit Netflix dating show “Love Is Blind” has asked contestants the question: could you fall in love with someone without ever seeing their face? Victor St. John, an assistant professor in the John Glenn College of Public Affairs, sought to find out after his friend suggested he check out the application. Read DARANII ASOBA One year post renovations: African American Studies Extension Center A year after a million-dollar renovation transformed the African American and African Studies Community Extension Center, the center is fulfilling its promise of creating a new era of future change. The center was able to create a new library, meeting hall, classrooms and updated technology through funds received by a state appropriation from Sen. Hearcel Craig (D-Columbus). Read TREVOR VOIGT Former Ohio State law professor reflects on how SB 1 led to her early retirement It’s been nearly a year since Gov. Mike DeWine signed Senate Bill 1 into law. Since the bill’s enactment on March 28, 2025, which became effective in June, Ohio public universities have been required to adjust their policies to comply with the prohibition of diversity, equity and inclusion programming. Before the bill was passed, Ohio State eliminated the Office of Diversity and Inclusion and the Center for Belonging and Social Change, per prior Lantern reporting. Read XIYONNE MCCULLOUGH Ohio State students reflect on DEI changes one year after SB 1 One year after Senate Bill 1 reshaped diversity, equity and inclusion efforts at Ohio State, some Black students said the sense of belonging they fought to build on campus feels more uncertain. For many students, cultural centers, identity-based organizations and courses focused on race and lived experience were not supplemental to their college experience — they were foundational. Now, as the university continues adjusting policies to comply with SB 1, students said they are watching closely to see how those spaces and classrooms may continue to change. Read

Black Voices of OSU 2026 - Guest Author

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The “Renaissance” in Civic Education: Beyond the Salmon P. Chase Center By Madison Wallace | Former John R. Oller Special Projects Reporter “I know of no country,” historian Alexis de Tocqueville wrote, “where there is so little independence of mind and real freedom of discussion as in America.” In his 1830s work, Democracy in America, the French political thinker – a beloved figure of classical and democratic education – penned his fascinations in observation of the tyranny of majority and social conformity that can suffocate any democratic society – even the freest nation in the world. The implications of his observations serve to warn all democratic constituents – political scientists, politicians, academics, entrepreneurs, military officials, blue-collar workers, immigrants and social media influencers – about the dangers of polarization and free market echo chambers. It is this school of thought – launched by several advocacy organizations aiming to usher academia back to its unifying and inspiring role in civic education – such as the educational nonprofit, the Jack Miller Center, and its “Renaissance in Civic Education”, or the U.S. Department of Education’s MAGA-led civics education coalition – have led to the creation of the Salmon P. Chase Center for Civics, Culture and Society at Ohio State, and the subsequent policy diffusion establishing similar centers at universities in Arizona, Florida, North Carolina, Tennessee and Texas. While the Miller Center strives to achieve its founding mission to address the critical disappearance of America’s founding principles and history from our nation’s classrooms, the U.S. Dept. of Education politicizes its funding power by prioritizing discretionary grants for educational programming at institutions which “promote patriotic education”, a presentation of American history grounded in an “accurate, honest, unifying, inspiring and ennobling characterization of America’s founding and its principles. As civic knowledge declines and trust in institutions collapses, lawmakers and some scholars argue the state has a duty to reclaim the university’s original civic mission of education for citizenship through reinvigorated lessons in American history, founding documents and the sociology of being an active, informed citizen. Ohio State faculty warn that imposing legislative mandates, ignoring a long-held tradition of faculty input on curriculum and hiring, and channeling politicized funding threatens the very independence and democratic legitimacy higher education is meant to protect. Map of civic studies centers inspired by the Jack Miller Center. # **The “Renaissance” Comes to Ohio** It was 2023 when state lawmakers inserted a measure into the state budget creating the Chase Center as one of five institutions at state universities intended to expand civic education programming and K–12 outreach across Ohio. Senators who sponsored the legislation promised to restore American constitutional order and fundamental democratic society through civics education that keeps ideology from replacing history on campus, according to the Senate’s website. To some faculty members, this legislation errs a little too closely to that of a similar, historic bill – Senate Bill 1 – passed on Mar. 25, 2025. That bill banned diversity, equity and inclusion programming and faculty striking, limited the teaching of controversial subjects and required course syllabi to be public online, according to prior Lantern reporting. “Our number one general position right now in AAUP is to remind people of the origins of the Chase Center – that it originated alongside SB1, sponsored by the same people,” said Pranav Jani, associate professor of English and member of the American Association of University Professors’ Ohio State chapter. Much like the budget measure – sponsored by Sen. Rob McColley and Sen. Jerry Cirino – Jani said, “even though Lee Strang consistently says this is independent of SB1, it exists in the same climate as a ‘corrective’ to what they claim is faculty indoctrination of students at the university, as something they believe is going to bring balance to the world.” Lee Strang – inaugural executive director of the Chase Center and former constitutional law professor at the University of Toledo – worked alongside Sen. Rob McColley to create the center. He served as Toledo’s first director of the Institute of American Constitutional Thought and Leadership located in the college of law before he was hired at Ohio State in 2024. According to Strang, while academics – like all individuals in a campus community – may have political views, their role is not to work for political interest or partisan relations, but to advance civic education for their local and state communities. “The one sentence summary for the Chase Center’s mission is – teaching and research of the American constitutional tradition in society – and I’ve never run into anybody who thinks that’s a terrible mission,” Strang said. “If the Chase Center were to actually come out against the way SB1 limits intellectual diversity, which is what they’re supposed to be about – [this] kind of repression of free speech being done by the administration. If they would come out about the abuse of the legal system and political system going on in the current government, where civics seems to be simply an act of power – I think there would be areas to work with,” Jani said. Professors like Jani and AAUP board member, Erynn Beaton, believe a fundamental academic freedom comes from the sanctity of shared governance – a university model where faculty expertise over curriculum and hiring takes precedence – which was ignored by the mandated implementation of the Chase Center. “In that mandate, I think that there was a lack of understanding about ways things happen on campus and how we protect academic freedom, and about the importance of shared governance with faculty. So, by having the center come from the outside it becomes really problematic for a lot of reasons,” Beaton said. Those reasons include – of debatably utmost importance – concerns about ideology versus duplicity, Beaton said, and whether or not “the Chase Center is bringing about anything new that doesn’t already exist” in regard to the general education requirements already in place at the university. Lights from advertisement boards backlight the Ohio Statehouse in the early morning of February 17, 2026. _Credit: Sandra Fu | Managing Photo Editor_ Advocates for mandated civic centers – such as Paul Caresse, former inaugural director of The School of Civic and Economic Thought and Learning at Arizona State University, also known as SCETL – believe citizenship education is a duty to healthy democracy, fulfilling itself through the social contract between America and her universities, which has eroded since the mid-1900s. “Every graduate of every college and every university in the country, private, public, large, small, every single one, should have an American civics course taught by some department or other,” Caresse said. “That is one of dozens of important questions addressed: the Constitution, knowing the Constitution and knowing it in a more serious way and the reasons behind it and the complexities of it and the disagreements about how to interpret it. Because this is daily life for anyone who takes seriously being an American citizen or an aspiring citizen,” Caresse said. According to Strang, only 10-15 percent of his constitutional law students – after K-12 and four years of higher education – have read and studied the Constitution in its entirety. “Seeing the lack of knowledge about some of the fundamental documents and some of the fundamental claims about a core aspect of our civil society, which is our constitutional system, suggested to me that there’s a real lack of knowledge about those important aspects,” Strang said. Polls across The Chamber of Commerce, the American Bar Association and Gallup show civic literacy is plummeting – with nearly one-third of respondents, including registered voters, unaware that there are three branches of government, the Constitution is not the supreme law of the land and even non-U.S. citizens have to pay taxes while living on American soil. “I don’t think you are going to hear from anyone on campus that civic education isn’t important. We think it’s incredibly important,” Beaton said. Jani said the issue does not lie within partisan or ideological differences; in fact, there are plenty of conservative forces across different institutions and departments at the university. “Their being conservative is neither a problem nor anything new. I might argue with it, I might debate with it, but that’s not why I’ve been positioned against it. It’s because it’s riding on the back of these kinds of laws that are about suppression and limiting the freedoms that we have,” Jani said. Jani said he urges members of the community to understand the origins of the Chase Center so that they may understand the present moment and the current inequities. “We still need to remember where it came from, which helps explain why they’re getting $3 million grants from the Department of Education, while other apartments are just struggling to make sure that we can teach the courses that we want, hire the people that we want,” Jani said. Jani said while certain other departments – such as the humanities and social sciences – are being starved of certain freedoms of excess, like hiring and teaching various curricula in abundance. “They are flush with money,” Jani said. “They’re hiring people [with] much higher salaries coming in than even people like [me], who are in year 22 at Ohio State.” # **THE CONTROVERSY: Social Contract Trumps Shared Governance ** Top-down – a method of decision-making that originates with high-level government officials – mandates for civic education have brought about questions of legislative authority over the university model, leaving questions as to whether or not bridging the educational gap takes precedence over respecting the shared governance model of the university. “One of our main concerns for the AAUP is this issue of shared governance – one of the things that we as faculty feel is fundamental to our academic freedom is having faculty input into how the university is run and that is primarily done through faculty council,” Beaton said. Caresse said any instance of non-academics, such as a Board of Trustees or a state legislature, making demands with funding and mandates is sure to be controversial among faculty members at any university. “There’s a deeper principle as to why it’s controversial for the faculty. For about a century, the dominant model, even in public universities, has been that universities are research and teaching units. Departments are in research fields [and] faculty of expertise – even though they’re publicly funded and governed – there’s faculty expertise over the curriculum and faculty hiring, such that, the faculty use this term ‘shared governance,’ ” Caresse said. “What they really mean is that faculty veto – or a substantial faculty role – in anything related to hiring and curriculum, teaching, etc… The AAUP is a sort of institutional body for this, so principles of academic freedom and shared governance are cited,” Caresse said. Beyond shared governance, Beaton said she believes “there were other avenues for a unit like the Chase Center to appear on campus”, leading faculty to question their motives even further. “My response to the concern of whether this is an outrageous, anti-academic attack on universities coming from the state government or board of regents would be, well, it may be abnormal beyond the current academic norms, but they’ve got a point,” Caresse said. The School for Civic and Economic Thought and Learning at Arizona State came as a result of the 2016 mandate by Gov. Doug Ducey. The unit was the first instance of a state-mandated civic education, based on the original university model emphasizing the social contract between universities, the state and democracy itself. “The governing authority said, ‘We see an important lack – we see a need to restore the civic education mission of a public university, but we’re just going to give a general mandate and general funding to the state university.’ Then the state university leadership stepped forward and said, ‘here’s how we’re going to build it,’ ” Caresse said. After its first academic year in 2017, Caresse said the phone calls and emails came in constantly about what was going on at Arizona State, what political scientists would refer to as policy diffusion. “To just – in a nice gentle way – ask: ‘Gee! Would you do more of this?’ It’s not likely to have a very fast or productive response. So, the policy diffusion that occurred was to say the Arizona State government did a smart thing,” Caresse said. Knowing candidly that the idea of state-mandated civic education reform is intellectually and academically conservative, Caresse said, it remains an important and academically valuable reform in higher education. “To hear out, campus by campus, the concerns from the existing faculty who do not like to be told, in effect, from a governing authority: “ We disagree with your priorities. You took your research field and your discipline in this direction, we think there needs to be space for this, over here and you are a public university, and we want to restore the original public mission of the university,” Caresse said. “That’s controversial and it’s difficult, but if put forward in this academic liberal arts spirit, it can be seen not as an attack, not as threatening, but as a correction, as a reform, as a renewal,” Caresse said. # **WHAT DO AMERICA’S UNIVERSITIES OWE TO DEMOCRACY** Caresse said the social contract between America and her universities is one that emphasizes civic education – clearly stated under the constitutional order when the country was formed. “Just like Stalin and the Soviet Union said – you may not be interested in war, but war is interested in you . . .You may not be interested in politics and civic affairs, but it’s interested in you – means – especially for university graduates – you’re primed to be leaders.” Paul Caresse ****“The social contract [between America and her universities] for 80 years – since the second World War – has been that academia is going to get funding and support, all kinds of latitude and prestige, funding from the federal government as well as state governments. Academia is going to get all of that in return for academia producing STEM expertise, science, technology, engineering, math, economic development, expertise, competitiveness, preparation for careers, right? Over those 80 years, just civics – preparing citizens – completely fell out of the social contract,” Caresse said. According to Caresse, a constructive response to the Trump administration’s criticism of academia right now could include higher education admitting it recognizes the deficit in civic education and restoring it to a primary role in order to reduce concerns about ideological imbalance. “If we did it in a philosophically balanced way, a liberal arts kind of civic education, it would show the entirety of the country that we care. Academia would show we care and that would be part of the social bargain being renewed between federal funding and state funding,” Caresse said. “A renewed argument to require civics [and] to restore it to top-tier priority needn’t be seen as a partisan move on higher education. It can be seen from within academia as we turned away from this, we had other priorities, we ought to restore a priority within civic education,” Caresse said. Caresse said some grumbling comes along with most things “required” of undergraduate students, but the mission to educate them for lifelong success as democratic citizens outweighs such. “Stalin and the Soviet Union said, you may not be interested in war, but war is interested in you. So, the adaptation – you may not be interested in politics and civic affairs, but it’s interested in you – means, especially for university graduates, you’re primed to be leaders. In the public sector, in the private sector, in your profession, in your communities. Civic knowledge is going to be useful for you everywhere because government and politics and political debate are everywhere,” Caresse said. Caresse said his “outrageous claim” comes directly from the book “What Universities Owe Democracy” by the president of Johns Hopkins University, Ronald Daniels, who would not be considered an academic conservative, according to Caresse. “Every college and university in the country – private, public, large, small, every single one – they should all require at least one course in what I call American civic knowledge, he calls it ‘democracy education’. That shouldn’t be a partisan issue, that’s just a responsibility that higher education in America owes to this political community that provides it prosperity, security and privilege,” Caresse said. The John Glenn of Public Affairs Building. _Credit: Daniel Bush | Campus Photo Editor_ # ****THE CONTROVERSY: Hiring Outside Peer Review**** The AAUP has been keeping a close eye on the Center since the idea was proposed in 2023. It has chronicled the origins and history and ensured that policies are being followed, such as course approval, hiring and public knowledge, according to Beaton. Beaton also said the organizational body found a lot of faculty were unaware of the Chase Center’s existence or that it was going through the University Senate for a vote. “We hear about the Chase Center very infrequently at this point, and that’s one of the main concerns – that it’s unclear whether processes are being followed according to shared governance, because it’s happening under the radar or behind a screen,” Beaton said. “An example of this would be it’s really unclear how all of those faculty got hired. I mean, the legislation gave Strang permission to choose, basically, whoever he wanted. My understanding is that’s pretty close to what happened, but that is not the way tenured-track faculty get hired.” Beaton said hiring processes are very rigorous for any potential candidate in a tenured track position with laws and university policy in place to ensure a fair, unanimous decision. “We have a search committee. We have to look at every single application that comes through. We have to use a rubric to grade them. We have phone interviews as a search committee, then we have to have fly-outs. Then, at the fly-outs, the prospective faculty have to give what we call ‘job talks,’ ” Beaton said. “So, they will give a research presentation to the entire college, then the entire faculty vote on new people added to the college. It’s a very, very rigorous process because the university and the college [are] making a lifetime commitment to the scholar. To not know anything at all about how they were selected is astounding to me,” Beaton said. University spokesperson, Chris Booker, said in an email “the Chase Center follows Ohio law and university hiring procedures for its employees, including tenured faculty.” # ****THE CONTROVERSY: Ideology and Duplicity (Branding Disguised as Neutrality) **** Source: American Pride Slips to New Low (2025) At Ohio State, general education requirements include civic education and the entire model of the university is centered around citizenship – “If the argument is that there isn’t duplication, then the question becomes if it isn’t duplicative if we have all of these citizenship classes and there isn’t overlap, then the answer becomes ideology,” Beaton said. “Ideology is not meant to be part of the campus environment, so much so that it comes from professors or courses. We discuss ideology, but it’s not about bringing a particular ideology from an authoritative place,” Beaton said. Caresse said his own disciplines – political science, economics, philosophy and history – have all turned away from civic thought and leadership in their curricula. “It’s just a matter of facts. You look around the country – at the PhD granting departments at major private and public universities – the number of faculty in a history department who are experts in early American history, American constitutional history, American political history, let alone military history, also diplomatic history – all of those have declined,” Caresse said. In reference to duplicity, Caresse said, in reference to the social science and humanities departments across many universities, the level of expertise has declined dramatically in the last 50 years. “Various departments may say, we already do this, but I think if you were to go through various faculty and staff in these departments and say, how many experts do you have and how many courses do you have focused on these civic thought subjects,” Caresse said. While the shift in priorities in higher education may be indisputable, Jani said civics education that emphasizes democratic processes and inalienable rights is ultimately more valuable than the latter, which “promotes the myth of the Founding Fathers – slaveholders and colonizers.” “If your civics education is to tell me about how the law works and how people get elected, great. If not – if your civics education is oriented towards showing that the United States is the best government that’s ever existed in the world, and that talking about slavery and genocide and imperialism is a distraction from this myth of the United States that you want to project; if the main goal is to tell people of color that you ought to just be quiet and salute the flag because you shouldn’t talk about things that have happened, because America’s the best and any correction that’s needed already happened and was envisioned by the Founding Fathers – I have to disagree,” Jani said. “When lawmakers point to educators and universities – K-12 and all – and blame them for not teaching this stuff, but [fix] it in a narrow way that’s just meant to enforce their own ideology while closing their eyes to every abuse of civics that’s happening in our society and government from the people who ought to know better, that’s when I have a problem,” Jani said. Strang said he agrees with the notion there have been misuses of patriotism in the past, maybe the present and certainly in the future, and this will occur because humans continue to make mistakes. “What the Chase Center tries to do is to create a culture in which patriotism doesn’t mean the negative things that people think it means, like maybe unblinking allegiance to an individual or leader, or unblinking allegiance to a set of political propositions or a party, right? But patriotism, in fact, is the healthy human phenomenon of one having a reasonable love for one’s political community,” Strang said. However, Strang said, the Chase Center intends to respond to the inappropriate use of patriotism that may be a widespread view by giving students an opportunity to see other conceptions of patriotism where they are free to come to their own conclusions about various vehicles for national pride. “In this environment of open engagement and dialog – to not propagate or indoctrinate but engage in genuine truth-seeking together. I want to find out answers and the best way to do that is in conversation with fellow humans, is to help students experience that same liberating environment of truth speaking,” Strang said. The Chase Center plans to reinforce more honorable lessons in patriotism by offering a future course dealing with Plato’s symposium in order to share with students “the riches of human reflection throughout history, according to Strang. “Plato, of course, was a student of Socrates, who was condemned to death by Athens. What does he owe it, if anything? The answer that Socrates gives – which I think has been the standard answer that Westerners have given and continue to give today, and I think is actually the healthy answer – is that that my political community, like my family, has helped create me the type of good being that I am, and it’s right for me to be loyal to it,” Strang said. # ****Establishing the Need – What the Data Says **** In partnership with the Center for Human Resources Research at Ohio State, Strang said the 2025 study on civic education and public trust in higher education found only half of the respondents knew Ohio had its own constitution. According to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s 2024 civic literacy survey, one-third of respondents did not know there are three branches of government and more than half did not know the amount of representatives in the House. Furthermore, the American Bar Association’s 2024 Survey of Civic Literacy found 42% of respondents incorrectly believed the Constitution was the only supreme law of the land (it’s the Constitution and other documents), also finding half believed the general public was not well-informed. Source: New Study Finds Alarming Lack of Civic Literacy Among Americans (2024) In a bipartisan, cross-ideological study called Educating for American Democracy – also referred to as EAD – Caresse said he was the conservative lead author of six other academics to capture the reality that American civic education has to teach about debate and disagreement. Coupled with “the contentiousness, pluralism, complexity and the need to confront the reality that civics has become polarized,” Caresse said they put together an idea of American civics that captures a wide range of views and ideas, while also finding that primary through secondary school teachers were struggling with civics due to a lack of support. “If it’s required, it’s only required on paper. It isn’t fully supported in terms of time, resources, testing,” Caresse said. “So it’s just a second-tier or even third-tier priority in reality, day to day, in public schools. If it’s a bad situation in K-12, it’s not going to get better unless higher education steps forward to say this is a priority.” “Are things going well with American civic knowledge? Are things going well with American civic culture? Don’t we have substantial evidence of civic disintegration, increasingly violent political language, increasing political violence itself? Younger folks having declining status regard for America itself. ‘How important is it to live in a democracy?’ is one way the polling asked. How patriotic are you? Are you proud of being an American? Under 30, these numbers are really bad. So, for state governments, or a board of regents, to say we’ve got a real problem, it’s an urgent problem, we need to do something fast – here’s something that’s been done in other states, here’s how we’re going to do it in our state. To me, it’s obviously contentious, but it’s a reasonable governmental policy response to an urgent need,” Caresse said. # ****WHAT NEXT: How Can the Chase Center Succeed and How Far Will the Government Reach **** The success of SCETL at Arizona State and its national influence – according to Caresse – has come in due time as the school has shown its value to the university and campus community through tangible civic education outcomes and outreach. “We’ve had nine years of funding renewal. In the initial years, it was perceived as partisan, because it was a Republican-controlled House and Senate in the Arizona State legislature, with a Republican governor. After a few years, we got Democrats in the state legislature to vote for the funding, and for the past three years, we’ve had a Democratic governor renew the annual funding at a doubled-level, now six million dollars per year,” Caresse said. The three founding missions coined by Caresse – unwavering commitment to the liberal arts education model, public outreach and K-12 engagement – have proven its value and ensured its long-term success through funding and support, Caresse said. “Those are the kinds of things we’ve done to show [value], and that’s why it paid off for us in a more immediate, concrete sense, in that we eventually got Democratic members of the State House and the State Senate to vote now to renew our annual funding. Not only the money value, but the academic and civic public value. “There’s a wider national movement – private elite universities, as well as the public university – a renewal movement for civics and civic education. So, part of what Lee could say to the Ohio State community is, hey, let’s get in the ballgame. Have you seen what’s happened at Stanford? Have you seen what’s happened at Johns Hopkins?”

The Renaissance in Civic Education: Beyond the Salmon P. Chase Center - Madison Wallace

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Ferrari HC25: el regalo que nadie esperaba, firmado por Maranello Un regalo envuelto en papel de marca internacional acaba de hacerse notar, pero no bajo el árbol de ningún hogar común. La Oficina Mundial de Propiedad Intelectual (WIPO) ha publicado una solicitud de registro para el nombre Ferrari HC25, clasificado explícitamente para uso en vehículos automóviles — una notificación fría, burocrática… y cargada de intención.

Ferrari acaba de registrar HC25 en la WIPO: 2025, iniciales ocultas y un one-off a punto de salir del horno de Maranello 🔥 ¿F40 2.0? ¿V12 descapotable? Las pistas están ahí. #Ferrari #SpecialProjects

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The Cost of Cuts: How NIH Funding Cuts Disrupted Ohio State Research **By Mariam Abaza | Lantern TV Special Projects Producer** __Image Credit:___Geoff Livingston__ _[___CC BY 2.0__ _], via Flickr__ Scientific research projects across the nation came to a sudden halt in early 2025, when the Federal Administration terminated nearly $3.8 billion in National Institutes of Health grant funding. Ohio State researchers were not immune to this decision, and dozens of university research studies were terminated due to loss in funding. According to _Grant Witness_ , a database that tracks grant funding cuts in the current federal administration, Ohio State researchers lost nearly $20 million in NIH funding. NIH cuts disproportionately affected research projects related to enhancing diversity, equity, and inclusion, citing a desire to eliminate waste and bias in government funding _research_. Ohio universities and research institutions experienced at least 41 NIH grants disruptions, with 18 grant disruptions recorded at Ohio State. On a national level, NIH terminated or indefinitely froze about $2.3 billion in unspent funds across about 2,500 _projects_. To learn more about how these funding changes specifically affected researchers at Ohio State, watch this LTV Special Project video. “There’s increasing distrust in academic institutions to keep research data safe, especially research that’s being conducted with minoritized and marginalized communities who are already vulnerable. Most of it comes down to ‘will someone from the federal government create a list of LGBTQ people, and will that be used to hurt us?” Dr. Joanne Patterson

The Cost of Cuts: How NIH Funding Cuts Disrupted Ohio State Research - Mariam Abaza

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The Silent Decline: Native American Student Enrollment at Ohio State By Xiyonne McCullough | Patricia B. Miller Special Projects Reporter _Credit: Chloe Limputra | Web Editor_ ____ __ __ When Briana Walkup arrived at Ohio State, she hoped to find something she had never had growing up in rural northwest Ohio: a Native community. What she found instead was a sense of belonging that felt temporary. During her first year, she remembers being surprised by how present the Native community seemed. The Center for Belonging and Social Change funded student trips to powwows, a Native student advisor, Madison Eagle, helped organize beadwork nights, connected students to faculty and cultivated a small but vibrant cohort. “That told me there was at least something here,” Walkup said. “Native student experiences were heavily funded through the CBSC. It felt like people cared about our success.” But within four years, almost all of that infrastructure disappeared. The CBSC was closed, Native-affiliated programs shrank and the Native American and Indigenous People Cohort dissolved this semester due to low student numbers. Walkup, now a fourth-year in psychology, will graduate from a university posting its lowest Native American enrollment in a decade. According to Ohio State’s 10-year enrollment trend tables based on the 15th-day enrollment report census, Native American enrollment has steadily fallen across the past 10 years. On the Columbus campus, the number of students who identify as Native American dropped from 99 in 2013 to 37 in 2023, the most recent year available. Faculty at Ohio State who teach within the American Indian Studies program say the drop is the end result of a pattern of reduced institutional support over several years, which ultimately coincided with the closure of the CBSC after a state law banned diversity, equity and inclusion programs at all Ohio public universities. “Over time, there has been a reduction in those support systems,” Teresa Lynch, an assistant professor in the School of Communication and a faculty member in the American Indian Studies program, said. “Madison was at first dedicated to supporting Native students, but her role shifted, and eventually she left because she wasn’t being given funding to support students.” Sarah Hinkelman, Newark Earthworks’ historic site manager, gestures to the earthworks on a map of the area during a presentation before the northernmost moonrise at the Octagon Earthworks Dec. 5._Credit: Sandra Fu | Managing Photo Editor_ ____ __ __ The shift also coincided with the implementation of Senate Bill 1, or SB 1, a state law that required the university to “sunset” land acknowledgments. The law, effective March 25, bans diversity, equity and inclusion programming and faculty striking, limits the teaching of controversial topics and requires course syllabi to be posted online. Land acknowledgments are a statement noting the university resides on tribal land, as purchased through the Morrill Act of 1862. According to the university’s website outlining SB 1 guidelines, Ohio State may not issue statements that engage in advocacy or calls to action, which they consider land acknowledgments. Elissa Washuta, a professor of English and president of the American Indian Studies program, said territory around what can and cannot be said feels muddy. “It’s hard to feel like I’m allowed to be fully Native in the classroom at this point because of the lack of clarity around what we are and are not allowed to say,” Washuta said. As a professor, Lynch echoed a similar sentiment. “It’s been hard as a Native faculty to watch many colleagues leaving, and knowing that’s just going to make the issue more difficult,” she said. “These university workers end up leaving for other Big Ten schools that have programs and allow them the freedom to be openly Native.” Faced with these issues, university spokesperson Chris Booker said Ohio State both acknowledges and provides resources pertaining to indigeneity. “Ohio State continues to support students from Indigenous communities, offer courses in American Indian Studies and other indigenous cultures,” Booker said. Walkup said she remembers a time during the fall semester of 2022 being asked by university officials to participate in discussion around their findings of Native American enrollment. “I remember I went to one meeting with four or five officials, and it was a mixture of students, staff and faculty that identify as Native American,” Walkup said. “We talked and planned out how to improve student enrollment from Native American communities.” At this point, Native American enrollment across the Columbus campus sat at 34. Even with the efforts, Walkup said there was still a feeling of abandonment from the university. “Despite what did exist, it was definitely noticeable that there were a lot of issues that kind of came across as the university not really wanting to meet the Native community where they were,” she said. Across all six Ohio State campuses, the count fell from 119 to 44 over that same period, according to racial demographic reporting, ending in 2023. The number of American Indian and Alaska Natives enrolled at The Ohio State University by year according to most recent data available. _Graph Credit: Chloe Limputra | Web Editor_ Source: Enrollment trends tables – 10 years (2023) __ Booker said this trend in enrollment is not just present at Ohio State. “Native American and Alaska Native enrollment trends at Ohio State mirror similar enrollment trends in higher education,” he said. A 2024 report from the American Indian College Fund states that, since 2010, enrollment among Native American and Alaska Native students has dropped 40 percent nationally. The trend at Ohio State is consistent, year after year with no rebound in sight. Native students represent less than one-tenth of 1 percent of the student population, making them one of the smallest racial demographics at the university. For the faculty who teach Native studies, these numbers are not abstract figures on a spreadsheet. They determine whether student organizations can remain active, program offerings and where institutional investment goes. Lynch said earlier this semester, she learned that the student organization, Native American and Indigenous People Cohort, had to pause meetings due to low student numbers. “We don’t have the critical mass of students for them to have a formal organization on campus,” she said. “Hearing that was demoralizing and sad.” Lynch arrived nine years ago at Ohio State when programming for Native students was run through what was then called the Multicultural Center. Madison Eagle, the Native student advisor at the time, single-handedly planned cultural events, handled one-on-one advising and ensured that Native students had someone within the university who understood the challenges they faced. That support, Lynch said, made a substantial difference. “She did a lot of program development,” Lynch said. “She brought people together to share experiences, and those activities gave students a sense of community and identity.” _“As Indigenous people, space is very important in our cultures,” Lynch said. “Not having a space is really a blow to the community, and these very few things the university was doing to support Native students are being taken away.”_ However, gradually the infrastructure that supported Native students began to shrink. Positions like Eagle’s were restructured, and funds once dedicated to Native programming were disappearing, Lynch said. During its existence, the CBSC served as the prime physical location for Native American students to meet with Eagle. After her departure, Lynch and Walkup said meetings were still held by students in the physical location until its closure this year. The closure, as part of the implementation of Ohio Senate Bill 1, dealt what Lynch described as the last straw. “As Indigenous people, space is very important in our cultures,” Lynch said. “Not having a space is really a blow to the community, and these very few things the university was doing to support Native students are being taken away.” Now, students are left questioning if this university is right for them. Breakdown of the American Indian and Alaska Native academic community at The Ohio State University according to most recent data available. _Graph Credit: Chloe Limputra | Web Editor_ Source: Enrollment trends tables – 10 years (2023) __ “The fact that there are no federally recognized tribes within the state of Ohio means that a lot of Native students are coming from out of state,” Walkup said. Many Native students are the first in their families to attend college, and financial strain, lack of representation and limited campus support can play significant roles in retention and graduation rates. Having no federally recognized tribes in the state, Washuta said retention resources can be a powerful way to bring Native students to Ohio State, but that there are none. “I don’t know that there are any dedicated resources for Native students,” she said. Booker said Ohio State offers “extensive support services for students of all backgrounds.” He specifically mentioned Buckeye Commons, and the Monda Student Resource Center, as well as offering a link to the student organization directory, which currently lists over 1,400 student organizations. Buckeye Commons, however, resides where diverse student groups, such as Native American students’ resources, once lived — in the former CBSC. Those phased-out resources, as well as community connection, can be a small, yet powerful benefit that Washuta said can impact students’ choices to attend the university. “The university needs to have somebody to do tribal relations and connect university leadership at the level of president and provost to tribal leadership,” she said. “Tribes have no reason to engage with the university unless the university is prepared to meet them with the respect that they need to be afforded.” The Newark Earthworks Center, located on Ohio State’s Newark campus, is dedicated to research, preservation and education on the ancient earthworks built by Indigenous peoples in the Midwest. The center focuses on the Hopewell Ceremonial Earthworks, which are now a UNESCO World Heritage Site, and works to connect tribal nations with knowledge tied to those sites. Faculty and staff there facilitate community partnerships, public programming and scholarly work highlighting the Indigenous roots of Ohio, offering one of the few institutional hubs in the state that foregrounds Native history and stewardship. Washuta said increased connection efforts with the earthworks center is another way to connect Native identity to all students. The Moonrise Gallery The northernmost moonrise on Dec. 5 aligns with the Octagon Earthworks in Newark, Ohio. Constructed thousands of years ago, the earthworks have multiple precise alignments to key moonrises and moonsets. _Credit: Sandra Fu | Managing Photo Editor_ “There is so much powerful work this university could do that would be so unique and impactful, but they need to meet tribal leaders at the appropriate level,” Washuta said. Direct work in admissions is another area that Washuta said needs focus. According to Booker, there currently are no positions related to Native American admission connections. _“We’re small, but we’re not invisible,” she said. “But when the university treats us like we don’t need specific support, it feels like they’re okay with us disappearing._ “There is so much powerful work this university could do that would be so unique and impactful, but they need to meet tribal leaders at the appropriate level,” Washuta said. Direct work in admissions is another area that Washuta said needs focus. According to Booker, there currently are no positions related to Native American admission connections. “Somebody in admissions [could] work as a Native recruiter, whether a dedicated recruiter or somebody who has that as part of their position to go to urban areas in Ohio where there are Native communities following mid-century relocation efforts,” Washuta said. Without strong advising, visible cultural programming or physical space to meet, Walkup said it becomes harder for incoming Native students to see the university as a place they belong. “We’re small, but we’re not invisible,” she said. “But when the university treats us like we don’t need specific support, it feels like they’re okay with us disappearing.” Students and faculty also point to the symbolic significance of representation. Lynch said these limitations make the campus less attractive to prospective Native students, who often look for universities with robust Native life, clear commitments to tribal engagement and scholarship programs to assist retention. “There is a sense that, if you come here, you will be one of very few,” Lynch said. “And when students see that programming has been cut and spaces have been closed, that weakens the message that they are valued.” Walkup said she has watched incoming cohorts shrink each year. When she arrived, she knew at least a dozen Native students across majors and dorms. This year, she said she can name only a handful. “It used to feel like a community, even if it was small,” she said. “Now it feels scattered.” For students like Walkup, the issue can be more than a statistic. It affects their perception of Ohio State and hopes of the university’s future. “It doesn’t feel like there’s urgency,” she said. “It feels like we’re shrinking, and no one is trying to figure out why.” Lynch worries that without meaningful change, the decline will continue. She said she hopes the university considers not only recruitment but also what Native students encounter once they arrive. “Students need more than a number on an enrollment sheet. They need community, support, and a sense that the university recognizes them,” Lynch said. With her graduation date around the corner, Walkup said she accepted that the community she imagined at Ohio State never fully materialized, but hopes future students have a different experience. “It’s not too late to fix this,” she said. “But it starts with the university recognizing that we’re here, even if we’re few, and choosing to invest in us again.”

The Silent Decline: Native American Student Enrollment at Ohio State - Xiyonne McCullough

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🟡The Weekly Typographic
Issue #372 • November 7, 2025
By Micah Rich and TLOMT
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Civics, culture and controversy as the Salmon P. Chase Center prepares to open in fall # Civics, culture and controversy as the Salmon P. Chase Center prepares to open in fall The John Glenn of Public Affairs Building. _Credit: Daniel Bush | Campus Photo Editor_ By Raghav Raj | Former Special Projects Reporter The Salmon P. Chase Center for Civics, Culture and Society is slated to open as Ohio State’s newest center in the upcoming fall semester, and its leader and other university officials have said it’s on track to do so. “We have been building. I think we have momentum as we’re ending this semester, and then we’ll be ready to launch very strongly in the fall semester,” Lee Strang, the Chase Center’s executive director, said. Strang said the intellectual diversity center, located in the John Glenn College of Public Affairs building, will be offering its flagship course, titled “American Civic Tradition,” for undergraduate students in the fall. Strang said the course’s faculty instructors come from various different disciplines and, based on his perceptions of their published work, distinct political perspectives, according to prior Lantern reporting. In an April 11 interview, Strang said he thinks approximately 10 faculty members will be on board by the fall to begin teaching these classes at the center. Currently, however, there is no indication on who those faculty members will be. The only staff listed on the Chase Center’s website are Strang, two assistant directors, a marketing and communications manager and a project manager. The three “American Civic Tradition” course sections offered by the center were posted in the course catalog on April 25 — over two months after the schedule of classes was first made available, before students received their appointments for enrolling, on Feb. 20. The instructor for the course has not yet been named. “The Chase Center is identifying faculty who will teach each course and will have that process completed soon,” university spokesperson Chris Booker said in an email. Andrew Martin, the College of Arts & Sciences’ associate dean for undergraduate education, said although it’s possible to include a class at this point in scheduling for fall, it’s also unusual for units to add courses to the books after the fall scheduling window has opened up for students. “If a unit in ASC developed a course at this point in the semester that they wanted to include in the fall catalog, I would be supportive of that inclusion,” Martin said in an email. “Of course, I would also point out the reality is that all but incoming NFYS [new first-year students] have already registered for courses, and students are unlikely to switch their schedules.” As of publication, the Student Information System (SIS) shows that there is one student enrolled in a section of the American Civic Traditions class. “The American Civic Traditions classes recently became available for scheduling, and we expect enrollments to increase before the start of fall semester,” Booker said in an email. The Salmon P. Chase Center for Civics, Culture and Society was established by Senate Bill 117, proposed by state Sens. Jerry Cirino (R-Kirtland) and Rob McColley (R-Napoleon), added to and passed in Ohio’s operating budget in 2023. The law, which also established four other similar centers at Ohio public universities, aims to address the replacement of history with ideology on college campuses, according to Cirino’s statement on the Ohio Senate website. Cirino said in that statement the bill specifically addresses “leftist ideology,” which “has a monopoly on most college campuses that is squashing intellectual diversity and punishing wrong-think and anti-woke dogma.” “I do not believe the way to cure the leftist bias on campus is by foisting conservative ideology on academia,” Cirino said. “I believe the real fix is to ensure neutrality on the part of the instructors and administrators. Let all sides be heard. Let students decide for themselves what is true. Let free speech be preserved and protected. That is the American way. It should be taught in our universities again.” Sen. Cirino could not be reached for comments on this article in time for publication. Ohio State President Ted Carter and Johns Hopkins President Ronald J. Daniels shake hands March 25 before the Salmon P. Chase Center for Civics, Culture and Society’s inaugural event, “Conversation with the Presidents,” moderated by Chase Center director Lee Strang. _Credit: Emma Wozniak | Lantern File Photo_ Since being passed by the state legislature in 2023, the planned center has been controversial in the eyes of students and faculty at Ohio State. In a largely symbolic vote on Jan. 23, students and staff in the University Senate voted against the introduction of the Chase Center on campus. In March, outside the Chase Center’s first public event — a conversation between Ohio State president Ted Carter and Johns Hopkins president Ronald J. Daniels, moderated by Strang — protestors at the Ohio Union criticized the center as an undemocratic institution imposed onto Ohio State by legislators, per prior Lantern reporting. “Very rarely do they come in from on high, plop down a whole lot of money, and then create this sort of thing. There are almost no examples,” said Christopher McKnight Nichols, a history professor at Ohio State. Nichols has been critical of the center since it was proposed in 2023, arguing that the university didn’t need a new center to affirm its commitment to intellectual diversity, per prior Lantern reporting. Nichols, previously the director of the Oregon State University Center for the Humanities from 2017 to 2022, said this level of legislative investment into an academic center makes the Chase Center a rarity in American higher education. “It’s exceedingly rare in American higher education to have centers or institutes that have their own majors, minors and grad programs. I mean by exceedingly rare, it’s less than 1%, and a really conservative number might be a tenth of 1%,” Nichols said. “This is like a unicorn that we’ve got, or if you don’t want to call it a unicorn, it’s a center or institute that’s really, effectively like a small college.” The Chase Center, Nichols said, is tied to what many at Ohio State see as a “broader assault on higher education” through legislation, including Senate Bill 83 — which stalled in Ohio’s House of Representatives in 2024 — and its successor, Senate Bill 1, signed into law by Gov. Mike DeWine in March. Students, faculty and staff gather in front of Thompson Library to protest Ohio Senate Bill 1 and Ohio State’s diversity, equity and inclusion rollbacks. _Credit: Carly Damon | Lantern File Photo_ S.B. 1, like S.B. 83 and S.B. 117, was primarily sponsored by Cirino. The bill bans diversity, equity and inclusion programming and faculty striking, limits the teaching of controversial subjects, and gives university board of trustees more power over faculty/personnel matters, university spending, and curriculum oversight, according to prior Lantern reporting. S.B. 117 and S.B. 1 have both been criticized by members of the university community as legislative actions that constrain and attempt to violate the academic freedom of Ohio State. Strang said he understands the uncertainty around the Chase Center, but that the center’s goals are to allow for a broad array of viewpoints to work together and engage with each other. “The Chase Center, the way that I think about it, as we’re building it out, is as a community intentionally dedicated to a wide variety of viewpoints,” Strang said. “It comes from people of different disciplinary perspectives, so I mentioned earlier, law, sociology, history. It also comes from people of all different religious worldviews, political worldviews, ideological, methodological worldviews.” Nichols said although he hopes the Chase Center gives students an opportunity to learn more about American civics, the surrounding legislative policies that have instituted the center, along with other significant changes at Ohio State, are hard to ignore for students and faculty alike. “Chase could turn out to be actually what its mission is, a kind of nonpartisan intellectual diversity center, but its origins are in a bill and a set of policies by exclusively Republican policymakers in the state who say that higher education is too far tilted to the left, that professors are indoctrinating students, that students feel like they’re being punished for their views in the classroom, and that Chase is a corrective for that,” Nichols said. “And most faculty I know are frankly offended by that assertion. Most students I’ve talked to say that doesn’t happen.” Students, faculty and staff gather in front of Thompson Library March 4 to speak out against Ohio Senate Bill 1 and changes made to Ohio State’s diversity, equity and inclusion programming. _Credit: Anthony Hanna | Lantern Photographer_ # **Faculty** According to S.B. 117, the Chase Center is required to hire 15 tenure-track faculty positions to teach under the center. These faculty members appointed may hold joint appointments within any other division in the university. Currently, the only listed staff online for the Chase Center are Strang, assistant directors Jeremy Fortier and Johnathan Spiegler, project manager Heather Morris, and marketing and communications manager Emma Purdy. Strang said the Center has been interviewing faculty for the hiring process since February. “We’re bringing in faculty from all the leading institutions in America, including around the world, people who are graduates of Oxford and Cambridge, and we’re bringing them from different disciplines: history, law, political science, economics, sociology,” Strang said. “The goal is to provide faculty who are going to give students knowledge and skills about American citizenship from those different disciplinary perspectives.” “I’m a lawyer, and there’s lots of things that I know about the American civic tradition on the legal side, but there’s lots of things, for example, in economics, that I don’t know, and so we need to have an economist to complement what I’m going to offer to students, and the same way with history,” Strang said. “So we should have, I think, probably 10-ish faculty that will be on board by the fall to to begin teaching our classes.” Nichols said the hiring process has suffered from a lack of transparency that’s unusual for how it’s typically done at Ohio State. “As I understand it they are hurrying to hire faculty but no one knows how many, in what fields, or when they might begin at OSU,” Nichols said in an email. “This is not traditional for academic hiring, which usually occurs on an annual basis, and for which talks and job ads are publicized extensively and depts and disciplines at the same university often are consulted.” Nichols said the lack of interdepartmental transparency in hiring at the Chase Center, paired with the ideologically-charged language within the legislation that created it, risks creating a perceived ideological bias in the center’s hiring practices. “They’re trying to get us to buy into Chase — the broader faculty and staff, students to take classes, all of us — as if it’s that kind of nonpartisan ideological diversity center civics mission, but it started with the politics, and it seems kind of closed,” Nichols said. “Because the origins are in this politically charged way, the perception is that they seem to be doing the hiring process politically.” Another issue, Nichols said, comes from the impacts that the Chase Center’s hiring process will have on departments at Ohio State that cover similar subjects related to civic thought and leadership, including the political science, economics, history and literary studies departments. “There are many unintended consequences and possible ramifications of having Chase suddenly hire 15 tenure stream people in the next year-and-a-half, and then having them on staff potentially forever, right? And I don’t think we’ve talked about that or thought about that as a university,” Nichols said. “If there were eight or nine early American historians over in Chase? I don’t think the history department itself would ever get to hire another early American historian. Even though we had no say in those people being hired.” # **Programming** Strang said the “American Civic Tradition” course is focused on the Declaration of Independence — “this important, central document to the American civic tradition” — and critically analyzes, discusses and debates the claims and propositions made by the document. “If we think that the Declaration is an important part of the American civic tradition — which everybody I’ve ever talked to says, ‘Yes’ — then engaging that document is an important way to help our young people become the best citizens they can be,” Strang said. The three sections of the American Civic Tradition course — labeled CIVICTL 2100.01: Creeds, Conflicts, Cooperation, CIVICTL 2100.02: Then and Now and CIVICTL 2100.03: Foundational Debates — each focus on a variety of sources and documents interacting with the Declaration of Independence, including Abraham Lincoln, Alexis De Tocqueville and the Federalist Papers.  ##### 2026 The semester after the “American Civic Tradition” course is offered, Strang said the Chase Center would begin rolling out degree-based programs. He said for 2026, the center would offer a certificate in the spring and a minor in the fall.  ##### 2027 In the Spring 2027 semester, Strang said the center would offer its first major for students to graduate with a degree in, titled “Civic Thought.”t  ##### 2028 This would be followed in Spring 2028 by a major in “Great Books or Liberal Arts,” which Strang said he feels would be valuable for a lot of potential students. “It’s not being offered anywhere else, and so it’s a compliment, but not a substitute, for the other viewpoints and knowledge and skills being offered at OSU,” Strang said. Nichols said he’s particularly surprised by the idea of the Chase Center creating a major centered around “Great Books,” something that’s traditionally taught by Ohio State’s English department. “Great books is the domain of literary studies, and that’s very clearly trampling on an area that’s already established at the university,” Nichols said. “I would think they might not teach great books in the same way in the English department. But I could foresee a battle to come about that.” # **Finances** Senate Bill 117 appropriated a total $10 million in funding to be split evenly between the 2024 and 2025 fiscal years. According to an Ohio Legislative Service Commission analysis of the center’s fiscal impact and needs, “The salary and benefits for the director and faculty will be approximately $3.0 million each year. The remaining $2.0 million will support the Chase Center’s operating costs, including those for administrative staff and supplies and equipment.” The analysis also states the funding includes anticipated one-time costs for recruiting faculty and renovating office space. Strang said once the center is offering degree programs, he expects revenue from tuition to increase in order to accommodate the funding required to pay the 15 tenure-track faculty members the center is mandated to hire. He said before the Center is able to pull in significant revenue from tuition, however, it looks to cultivate funding and financial support through donations and development. “We have many other conversations right now, and I’m confident that will lead to more significant gifts in the short- and medium-term,” Strang said. In March, Strang said the center had recieved a $3 million donation from The Stanton Foundation, a private group that advocates for informed citizens and the protection of First Amendment rights, according to its website. The foundation’s donation will “support Chase Center scholars, conferences, events and other programs in Ohio,” Booker said in an email calling the gift a “catalyst” for such a new organization like the Chase Center. The Stanton Foundation has also recently donated to other higher education institutions for First Amendment clinics, including $5 million for Case Western Reserve University’s School of Law in January, and $5 million for University of Georgia’s School of Law in September 2024. Strang said beyond the Stanton Foundation’s donation, the Chase Center has also received donations and support from Ohio State alumni. Strang said the “Liberal Arts” degree is being created in part because private donors investing money into the Chase Center have expressed an interest in the degree program. “One of the many, many reasons to offer a liberal arts degree is that we’ve identified significant private support in the seven figure range to offer that degree,” Strang said. “And so that’s another way to enhance the revenue of the Chase Center.” When asked if Ohio State could provide any additional background on the funders or amount of funding received by the center, Booker said “additional donations will be announced when appropriate.” “There are many, many Americans, including many Buckeye alumni, who have two simultaneous views,” Strang said. “One: they think that higher ed is incredibly important, both to their own personal flourishing, but also to the flourishing of our state and of our nation. And, two: they think that it needs some help, some nudging, to be the best version of itself, and the civic centers are one among many ways to do that.” Despite Nichols and other published reports that raised concerns for the center’s ability to secure long-term funding, Strang said he’s confident Ohio’s legislature will continue to allocate funds for the center to support its stated mission of addressing the replacement of history with ideology in higher education. “Our supporters, in both the executive and legislative branches of Ohio, see Ohio higher ed as just tremendously important to the success of the state, but also in need of some help,” Strang said. “And the Chase Center is one example of that help, and so I’m confident that we’ll continue to receive support for the good work that we’re doing.” Nichols said that, assuming that Ohio’s legislature will continue to fund the Chase Center is a dangerous assumption to make given present and potential future economic fluctuations. “I would say you can’t assume the same level of fiscal support from the state, because you can’t assume the same economy,” Nichols said. “So you know, if the current struggles right now turn into a recession or a depression, lots of discretionary funding is going to go.” Nichols said that the state is pouring money into a center to address an issue that fundamentally doesn’t really exist, and isn’t as important to students as concerns over debt and the job market. “For me, the perceived problems or the alleged problems of indoctrination and punishment of students don’t hold water,” Nichols said. “And so they don’t amount to the need for a multimillion dollar, enormous new structure to deal with it.”

Civics, culture and controversy as the Salmon P. Chase Center prepares to open in fall - Raghav Raj

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From then to now: A history of divestment activism at Ohio State # From then to now: A history of divestment activism at Ohio State (Left) Communications Workers of America and Student United Against Apartheid protest Ohio State investment into South Africa outside of Mershon Auditorium May 3, 1985. _Credit: Courtesy of the Ohio State Archives_ (Right) Students for Justice in Palestine protest Ohio State’s investment in Israel in front of the Ohio Union Oct. 7, 2024. _Credit: Madison Wallace | Oller Special Projects Reporter_ By Madison Wallace | John R. Oller Special Projects Reporter George Nicholas was supposed to run. It was the winter of 1985, and the Big Ten champion — a former Olympic Trials contender and one of Ohio State’s most decorated track athletes — was entering his final season. But instead of stepping into the blocks at that weekend’s indoor meet, he walked away from the starting line. When the national anthem played inside the French Field House, Nicholas turned his back to the flag and knelt. While his teammates stood in silence, he remained on the sidelines — refusing to compete. It was a protest, sparked by a front-page article in The Lantern revealing that Ohio State still held $7.1 million in investments linked to companies operating in apartheid South Africa. University officials, including President Edward Jennings, had responded to student concerns with a flat rejection: divestment was off the table. George Nicholas, co-chairman of Student Against Apartheid, speaks at the Communications Workers of America and Student United Against Apartheid protest outside of Mershon Auditorium May 3, 1985. _Credit: Courtesy of the Ohio State Archives_ “That upset me,” Nicholas said. “So, I decided to make a statement.” He did. And within weeks, he had helped build a coalition that stretched from graduate students to union organizers, from law students to state senators. What started with one athlete kneeling at a track meet culminated in a confrontation far from campus — at a remote Board of Trustees meeting held at an off-site university facility. They hadn’t put the students on the agenda, so Nicholas and hundreds of others showed up anyway, crowding the meeting room with flyers, chants and prepared statements. When the trustees tried to gavel the meeting to a close, students locked arms at the exits in peaceful resistance — blocking the doors and refusing to let the university walk away from the issue. “We had rehearsed it,” Nicholas said. “We weren’t being violent. But we made it clear — no, you’re not just going to end this meeting and leave.” Police tried to remove them, he said. They held the line. What began as one man’s act of protest became a university-wide movement. And in the months that followed, Ohio State — under mounting pressure — voted to fully divest from companies connected to South Africa’s apartheid regime. “We were strategic,” Nicholas said. “We were informed, and we weren’t kidding about it.” Forty years later, the script has flipped, while Nicholas watches from afar. As Ohio State students demand the university cut financial ties — this time with companies linked to human rights violations in Palestine — they face a new set of roadblocks. Despite echoing many of the same principles and strategies from 1985, students leading the charge for Palestinian divestment have encountered strong support for Israel from state and federal officials, an increasingly fractured coalition resulting in lack of community support, and state laws barring the university from taking any action. In recent years, the Undergraduate Student Government has passed multiple resolutions calling for financial transparency and divestment, most recently in 2021 and again in 2024. Calls for divestment were loudly heard at several campus protests last year. At the state level, legislators enacted a law in 2017, with the goal of strengthening economic ties with Israel, which ensured state funds can not support entities participating in a boycott. Another law enacted in 2022 expanded the scope of existing anti-boycott laws by explicitly defining state institutions of higher education as government entities. When Ohio State officials, including university spokesperson Chris Booker are asked about investments and endowments, inquirers are met with Ohio Revised Code, Section 9.76 – listed as one of the pillar key issues on the university’s Office of Marketing and Communications website – stating that it “prohibits the university from divesting any interests in Israel and prohibits adopting or adhering to a policy that requires divestment from Israel or with persons or entities associated with it.” The key issues elaborate even further, stating that the university “utilizes a diversified investment strategy” by investing in funds – not individual companies – which “ are trade secret and therefore not public,” according to the website. In Washington D.C., the United States remains Israel’s largest military and diplomatic ally — complicating demands for divestment and prompting universities to tread carefully. The parallels to 1985 are similar: students questioning where their tuition dollars go, calling for accountability in investment policy, and facing institutional resistance. # Repeating history, with more red tape In 1985, student activists and state lawmakers moved in tandem. House Bill 22, which barred Ohio’s public universities from investing in South African companies, passed in the legislature with bipartisan support. Union leaders and community organizers joined campus protests, and the Board of Trustees ultimately complied. But for today’s students, support from elected officials hasn’t just disappeared — it’s turned against them. “There were bipartisan letters written to USG the night before the referendum,” said Pranav Jani, an associate professor of English and member of the Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine. He worked with student organizers in reference to a proposed 2016 referendum in Ohio State’s Undergraduate Student Government urging the university to divest. “One of the people who wrote it was Joyce Beatty,” Jani said. The two letters – received a day apart in March of 2016 and authored by Democratic House representative Joyce Beatty and Republican representatives Tim Brown, Steve Stivers and Patrick Tiberi – urged USG not to allow a vote on divestment to move forward. University administration followed suit, canceling the vote just hours before it was set to begin. Such opponents of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement say these efforts violate state policy and could risk millions in public funding. State Rep. Tim Brown, R-Bowling Green, wrote in his letter to the governing student body that the 2017 state law “prohibits any state agency from entering into contracts with companies that participate in the BDS movement against Israel,” stating the legislation was put into place to “support our nation’s strongest ally in the Middle East” and emphasizing bipartisan support. “It doesn’t matter whether it wins or not,” Jani said. “They won’t even allow a referendum. The state says it’s illegal.” Students for Justice in Palestine protest Ohio State’s investment in Israel in front of the Ohio Union Oct. 7, 2024. _Credit: Madison Wallace | Oller Special Projects Reporter_ Students protest the South African apartheid in front of Mershon Auditorium April 26, 1985. _Credit: Courtesy of the Ohio State Archives_ In a separate letter, U.S. Reps. Joyce Beatty, D-Columbus, Pat Tiberi, R-Genoa Township, and Steve Stivers R-Upper Arlington, wrote “efforts to politically, economically and culturally isolate Israel breed discrimination and hate, and are not reflective of the values that we as Americans hold dear,” emphasizing their belief that “BDS efforts are counterproductive to reform” due to the “divisions [they] create on campus and inhibit constructive dialogue among diverse parties seeking to work together to achieve peaceful solutions to a complex issue.” Jani has supported the student movement for years, and said many of the current barriers were shaped by deliberate political choices. “Even people who are progressive, when it comes to Palestine, they get quiet,” Jani said. “There’s this climate where criticism of Israel is seen as anti-Semitism, which it isn’t.” He said the pressure campaigns against students often mirror those used during anti-apartheid protests. “It’s the same playbook,” Jani said. “The difference is, the South Africa stuff was highly politicized also because it won. And now it looks like, of course, we shouldn’t support apartheid South Africa.” Jani added that student movements today face obstacles beyond campus. “There were bipartisan letters written to USG the night before the referendum,” he said. “It’s not just one side. It’s systemic.” Despite that, he remains hopeful. “There’s a long history of students being ahead of the curve,” he said. “That’s how change starts.” # The cost of organizing Sami Mubare, a 2016 Ohio State graduate, remembers the early days of OSU Divest. He was a senator for the College of Dentistry in Undergraduate Student Government and helped lead the first official resolution effort. “It started in early 2015,” he said. “It was out of a growing concern for the deteriorating human rights situations in the occupied Palestinian territories.” Students learned Ohio State was invested in companies including Caterpillar and Hewlett-Packard, which have been documented as doing business with Israel. They filed Freedom of Information Act requests — modeled after 2003 efforts — and uncovered an Excel spreadsheet from the university’s Office of Investments. **“This was the first time ever we saw the United States Congress interfere with student affairs,” he said. “They urged senators to vote no.”** Mubarek said they pursued two paths to bring the resolution to a vote: a campus-wide referendum and a General Assembly vote. Both efforts met major resistance. “Mid-process, we saw the election rules change to raise the signature threshold from 300 to 5,000,” he said. “They promised us a digital signature form, but it was never delivered.” In 2016, Mubarek pushed a resolution forward in the USG. This time, the resistance came from Congress. “This was the first time ever we saw the United States Congress interfere with student affairs,” he said. “They urged senators to vote no.” In 2017, things escalated. Mubarek was profiled by Canary Mission — an anonymous website that tracks and publishes information about individuals and organizations that are pro-Palestine and involved with the BDS movement – with the stated goal of “exposing individuals and organizations that promote hatred of the United States, Israel, and Jews.” “My profile got published and it labeled many of us as anti-Semitic and terrorist sympathizers,” he said. “It was a goal to smear our names and harm our future careers.” Despite the backlash, he says, the experience shaped him — and the movement. “Even though we didn’t win, we believed it was part of something bigger,” he said. Coco Smyth, who helped lead OSU Divest between 2014 and 2018, said organizations like Canary Mission have created a chilling effect on activism – highlighting the effects of modern technology and social media that give way to more “digital blacklisting.” “You’ll find people on there who simply voted yes on a resolution,” Smyth said. “USG members, not even SJP [Students for Justice in Palestine]. We were labeled and profiled to hurt our futures. The goal was to intimidate us into silence.” Smyth said the internal pressure has been just as intense as the legal opposition. “We always had to ask ourselves: How do we reach people? How do we get them to hear us out?” Smyth said. “It wasn’t just institutional resistance — it was smear campaigns, public slander, blacklists.” # In the chambers: The resolution that passed—and didn’t Yondris Ferguson was Speaker of the General Assembly when the 2022 Boycotts, Divestments and Sanctions resolution passed. “There was fierce opposition—from inside USG, from Student Life, from the president’s office, the state legislature, and Dave Yost, the state attorney general,” Ferguson said. “It was very widespread.” In March of 2024, Yost advised the university to remove the resolution from the ballot on the grounds that USG’s bylaws recognize an organization’s actions must adhere to state law, according to prior Lantern reporting. The resolution passed by a slim margin, but it was never signed. “The president didn’t sign it. So it never went anywhere,” Ferguson said. Ferguson described the experience as a loop. Students push, opposition swells, and the movement resets. “New kids come on the block, take up the effort, and then it fails,” he said. “Then they don’t want to take it up anymore.” The roots of the resistance, he said, range from fear to politics. “You had people who knew Israel was wrong and didn’t care to call them out,” Ferguson said. “Others were afraid of being labeled anti-Semitic.” More than anything, Ferguson said the university feared losing state funding. “That was the threat — that if the student government takes this stance, it’s illegal and the university would lose money,” he said. Students for Justice in Palestine protest Ohio State’s investment in Israel in front of the Ohio Union Oct. 7, 2024. _Credit: Madison Wallace | Oller Special Projects Reporter_ # From South Africa to Palestine: What’s changed? Students protest the South African apartheid in front of Mershon Auditorium April 26, 1985. _Credit: Courtesy of the Ohio State Archives_ For Nicholas, the core motivations haven’t changed. He said he still sees divestment as a moral imperative — one grounded in justice, not politics. But the barriers today are steeper. “When I protested, I had students and the state behind me,” Nicholas said. “These kids today? They’re getting hit from all sides.” While the 1985 campaign leaned on clear legislative mandates and broad-based support, the Palestine movement has splintered, burdened by accusations of anti-Semitism and deeply polarized discourse. Ferguson said that polarization — alongside legal barriers — has left student government stuck. “Ohio State has never been good at dealing with controversy from students,” he said. “They’d rather keep it quiet and not deal with it.”

From then to now: A history of divestment activism at Ohio State - Madison Wallace

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And then: VP of Special Projects. Undefined role. Infinite power. Projects like “biometric storytelling” and “Operation Solstice.”
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