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Letter From France: Rise of the Nationalist Warrior Cop - Truthdig The expansion of military-style policing is fueling social conflict in a country teetering on the edge of far-right rule.

Militarized “warrior cop” doctrine converts protest into an internal security threat, normalizing force escalation and repression and eroding public trust. #PublicOrderPolicing #PolicingDoctrine #UseOfForce #PoliceAccountability #PublicTrust #PoliceLegitimacy #AuthoritarianPolicing #France #Truthdig

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Weaponizing Wastewater Laws to Block Abortion **Nearly four** years ago, I learned that there was fetal tissue stuck in my cervix. It had been there for nine days. This news came a few weeks after an ultrasound confirmed an eight-week pregnancy but failed to detect a fetal heartbeat, meaning I was experiencing a miscarriage. To help expel the tissue, my doctor prescribed the drug misoprostol, and that night, I inserted the four white hexagonal pills and spent the next 12 hours writhing in pain. Misoprostol is often prescribed to address miscarriages like mine, and it’s also the second drug in a two-drug regimen that can be prescribed to abort a pregnancy. In 2024, the Supreme Court preserved access to mifepristone, the first drug in the regimen, but the decision was based on narrow procedural grounds. Additional challenges to mifepristone are currently being litigated. While federal access remains, other efforts to restrict abortion pills abound. States with total abortion bans necessarily restrict the pills, and some ban their use for abortion via telehealth. Louisiana has gone a step further and classified mifepristone and misoprostol as controlled substances, criminalizing possession of either drug without a prescription. And at least one antiabortion group, Students for Life of America, is trying to use environmental laws to block access. Last month, The New York Times reported that senior officials at the Environmental Protection Agency directed scientists to look into developing methods to detect mifepristone in wastewater. The request appeared to be in response to a letter from 25 congressional Republicans, and, according to the Times, organized with help from the SFLA. > Students for Life of America is trying to use environmental laws to block access. I know a thing or two about wastewater: I’ve been an environmental lawyer and clean water advocate for over a decade. I know wastewater is rife with underregulated industrial chemicals, and thousands of facilities illegally dump pollutants into surface waters every year. I know that two-thirds of polluting industries have not had their wastewater regulations updated in more than 30 years. I know that poor people and people of color are more likely to live close to facilities releasing a toxic stew of wastewater, and communities with larger populations of color are less likely to get federal funding for infrastructure upgrades and cleanup. There is a real connection between environmental contamination and reproductive harm, but that’s not what antiabortion advocates are pursuing. Pregnant people and children in communities with higher chemical exposures face an outsized risk of adverse reproductive and developmental effects. Nevertheless, President Donald Trump’s administration has shuttered the EPA office tasked with serving “so-called ‘environmental justice’” communities. The congressional request to the EPA regarding the wastewater research is the latest action in a yearslong campaign by the SFLA to weaponize environmental laws against medication abortion. In November 2022, the SFLA filed a petition with the FDA asking the agency to require doctors who prescribe mifepristone to provide medical waste bags to patients and dispose of the aborted fetal tissue as medical waste. Passing a pregnancy, in my experience, is long, painful and messy. Tissue can be hard to find and identify, especially in early pregnancy. As my body miscarried after the misoprostol, I doubled over as stabbing pain seared across my midsection. Hot blood gushed between my legs as my uterus violently squeezed and contracted. I fished black, gummy blood clots that looked like tar out of my toilet and watched them disintegrate between my fingers, with no sign of the spongy pink tissue that would confirm my pregnancy was over. The SFLA petition would force other pregnant people to sift through their own bodily waste like I did and return it to their doctors, adding a layer of humiliation to an already physically and emotionally painful experience. Although the FDA rejected the SFLA’s bagged waste petition in January 2025, the group has petitioned the FDA seven more times, often focusing on the environmental impacts of mifepristone. One of those was also rejected, and a recent petition, filed in October, is again about bagged waste and targets a newly approved generic version of mifepristone. And several states, including Arizona, Idaho, Maine, West Virginia and Wyoming, have introduced bills this year that would require patients to collect and return their expelled fetal tissue as medical waste. The SFLA also filed a brief in 2024 in the case of U.S. Food and Drug Administration v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, arguing without evidence that mifepristone threatens endangered species. In February of that year, the SFLA asked the EPA to require drinking water monitoring for mifepristone. In some communications, the SFLA dubbed mifepristone a “forever chemical,” co-opting language used to describe per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, or PFAS. PFAS are a family of environmentally persistent, bioaccumulative chemicals that are toxic in very low amounts and linked to serious health conditions including cancer, immune harms and reproductive harms. And while there is growing concern over wastewater contamination from widely used pharmaceuticals such as anti-inflammatory drugs, antibiotics, and analgesics, there is no evidence that mifepristone and other abortifacients are present in wastewater systems or that such presence would pose risks. This feigned concern for the environment is a thinly veiled assault on abortion access, the latest innovation in the movement to strip women of their bodily autonomy after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022. > This feigned concern for the environment is a thinly veiled assault on abortion access. If so-called pro-life advocates were concerned about the environment, they’d advocate fixing the significant flaws in our wastewater regulations. If they wanted to protect children and mothers, they’d champion the communities that already shoulder the brunt of chemical exposures. Instead, the government is firing scientists, slashing resources, and rolling back regulations — including for PFAS, which will only put our wastewater more at risk. Thirteen days after I took misoprostol, a follow-up ultrasound revealed that the pills hadn’t yet expelled any of the fetal tissue or other retained products of conception — an uncommon but possible outcome. Later that night, though, I suddenly doubled over in pain again as I passed more blood clots. At the time, I didn’t know that the fetal tissue had lodged in my cervix. After spending more than a week anxiously waiting for the miscarriage to be complete, I found the tissue during a home exam with a speculum and hand mirror — something I had learned to do when trying to conceive. My doctor ultimately confirmed what I had found after doing a pelvic exam and did bag and dispose of the tissue. My experience exemplifies both the absurd and the cruel nature of the SFLA’s crusade. No one should have to train themselves to use a speculum to hunt down missing tissue. Doctors shouldn’t be afraid to prescribe misoprostol and mifepristone. I’m grateful I had the choice to take misoprostol, even though it caused painful contractions, and ultimately, it didn’t work for me. Having choices was the only thing that made my miscarriage easier. It gave me agency over my body when I otherwise had very little control. Lawmakers should devote energy to strengthening our outdated wastewater laws and funding the agencies tasked with implementing them, instead of using those laws as cover for an antiabortion agenda.

Weaponizing Wastewater Laws to Block Abortion

An antiabortion group has been co-opting environmental laws in an effort to restrict access to abortion medications like misoprostol.

www.truthdig.com/articles/weaponizing-was...

#misogyny #uspol #truthdig

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Trump’s Border Patrol Bulldog - Truthdig Gregory Bovino brought the border to the interior. Recent changes signal an expansion of the model he tested in California and Chicago.

Gregory Bovino’s rise from a sidelined Border Patrol chief to a DHS command figurehead epitomized the personalization of authoritarian enforcement under Trump. #Trump #DHS #CBP #ICE #Bovino #CivilMilitary #Authoritarianism #Federalism #Truthdig www.truthdig.com/articles/tru...

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Trump’s Border Patrol Bulldog - Truthdig Gregory Bovino brought the border to the interior. Recent changes signal an expansion of the model he tested in California and Chicago.

Trump’s NSPM-7 order redefined protest networks as terrorism targets, embedding political repression within DHS’s legal doctrine and transforming dissent into a national-security offense. #Trump #DHS #CBP #ICE #NSPM7 #Authoritarianism #CivilMilitary #ProtestSuppression #Truthdig

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Trump’s Border Patrol Bulldog - Truthdig Gregory Bovino brought the border to the interior. Recent changes signal an expansion of the model he tested in California and Chicago.

Under Bovino’s command, DHS expanded Operation At Large into major U.S. cities, merging border-zone tactics with urban policing to consolidate federal power. #Trump #DHS #CBP #ICE #Bovino #CivilMilitary #Authoritarianism #Federalism #Truthdig

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Trump’s Border Patrol Bulldog - Truthdig Gregory Bovino brought the border to the interior. Recent changes signal an expansion of the model he tested in California and Chicago.

Trump replaced ICE field office directors with Border Patrol commanders, embedding Bovino’s border model across DHS and centralizing enforcement under federal control. #Trump #DHS #ICE #CBP #Bovino #CivilMilitary #Federalism #Authoritarianism #Truthdig

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Original post on mastodon.world

It’s a Bird! It’s a Plane! It’s a Chemtrail?

A fringe conspiracy theory warning of menace from above takes wing at Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s HHS.

> High-level federal government officials are presenting false claims as facts without evidence and referring to events that not only haven’t occurred […]

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The Zombie War on Terror Is Upon Us **There is good news** and bad news for critics of the United States’ bloated 21st century war machine. The good news: The “war on terror” is dead. The bad news? It seems to have become a part of the walking dead — a kind of zombie war on terror that is continuing and radically expanding, even as the fears and threats that originally motivated all its excesses are seemingly vanishing from the American psyche. Consider the following facts: Despite the public release only a few years ago of evidence showing the Saudi government’s direct complicity in the crime of Sept. 11, 2001 — the central, instigating act of terrorism that drove and justified every aspect of the war on terror that followed — associating with or even taking money from that same government appears to carry no stigma. The Biden administration’s efforts to pledge American lives and treasure to defend that same government elicited relatively little controversy. And this year, dozens of top U.S. comedians, from the left-leaning Bill Burr to the right-leaning Andrew Schulz, happily took its money to help whitewash its image. The Saudi government’s expanding encroachment into U.S. sports and entertainment in general continues only to receive an eager welcome. > The war on terror is not just still with us, it’s expanding in radical new ways. Meanwhile, after spending more than a decade fighting the shadowy threat of al-Qaida, the U.S. government has now seemingly come to terms with the terror group’s ongoing influence in the region. It has enthusiastically gone along with the installation of an al-Qaida-linked militant, Ahmed al-Sharaa, as the leader of Syria, whose former president Washington spent years trying to remove from power expressly because of his alleged support for terrorism — including the very al-Qaida its new president hails from. Sharaa swiftly had the $10 million U.S. bounty on his head removed, the terrorist designation of the al-Qaida offshoot he led has been revoked, and just a few weeks ago, he was given a warm welcome during the United Nations General Assembly in New York, where on one stage, former CIA Director David Petraeus acknowledged the two had been on opposite sides of the civil war in Iraq 20 years ago, in between lavishing him with praise and declaring himself a “fan.” It’s not just al-Qaida. The Biden administration had explored teaming up with the Taliban to fight Islamic State’s branch in Afghanistan, while the Trump administration is now inching toward normalizing relations with the group, which George W. Bush once said was “threatening people everywhere by sponsoring and sheltering and supplying terrorists.” The Taliban’s link to al-Qaida was, once upon a time, the rationale for regime change and 20 years of U.S. war in Afghanistan — which, of course, ended with the Taliban coming back into power, which Washington appears to be coming to peace with now. Together, these stories suggest that both the American public and the Washington national security establishment have moved on from the core motivations that drove the war on terror for the better part of two decades. Al-Qaida, the Taliban, the government forces behind Sept. 11 — none of it matters anymore, apparently. And yet the war on terror is not just still with us, it’s expanding in radical new ways. The Trump administration has now explicitly repurposed the tactics and powers used against terrorism against a new, unrelated target: drug traffickers — launching airstrikes on private Venezuelan boats in international waters on the basis that drug smugglers are terrorists, and that their transportation of drugs constitutes “an armed attack against the United States.” This is despite widespread doubts about the legality of such strikes and concerns about the risks of this terrorist designation. Meanwhile, Trump has also continued and escalated the trend started under the Biden administration of turning the war on terror inward. The president is now threatening to deploy the military against what he calls the “enemy from within,” as his administration pushes to treat a variety of domestic critics, dissidents, and opposition groups as terrorist threats over their First Amendment-protected activity, and draws up secret watchlists of supposed domestic terrorists. > The president is now threatening to deploy the military against what he calls the “enemy from within.” This is all a vindication of the many civil libertarians who warned over the past 24 years that the expansive powers claimed by Presidents Bush and then Barack Obama would somewhere down the line be used in new, alarming ways they were never originally intended for, including to intimidate and punish political dissent. What’s absurd is that this is happening at the exact time that the threats that originally justified all of this are simply being forgotten. What we are witnessing is the war on terror in zombie form: devoid of its original life force and human drive, but more dangerous than ever, as it shuffles mindlessly forward in a search for human flesh to no end. Trump may be the first president to use this zombie “war” for ends that it was never meant for, but history suggests he will not be the last, unless we make the collective political choice to put a lid on and roll back the radical growth of executive war-making power that has accumulated year after year since 9/11. Until then, this zombie will stagger on.

The Zombie War on Terror Is Upon Us

The al-Qaida and Taliban threats are long gone but the tools and weapons we created to fight them are finding more monsters to destroy.

www.truthdig.com/articles/the-zombie-war-...

#uspol @truthdig #truthdig

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Inside Haiti’s Displacement Camps **PORT-AU-PRINCE —** At the Caroline Chauveau displacement camp, just steps from the National Palace, women forge bonds of solidarity through small, everyday gestures. At the camp entrance, a few have set up informal street stalls. Further inside, three women sit around a large basin, quietly laughing as they wash clothes together. One braids another’s hair. Another woman watches over a neighbor’s child so their mother can do her chores. As waves of gang violence have emptied several neighborhoods of Haiti’s capital over the past few years, hundreds of thousands of displaced families now crowd into makeshift camps. Facing inhumane conditions, women have built systems of mutual aid as a matter of survival. Following the 2021 assassination of the U.S.-backed right-wing president Jovenel Moïse, a political and security vacuum has been filled by armed and violent gangs. Their power only increased in 2023, when Haiti lost its last democratically elected officials; 10 senators whose terms expired. The armed gangs now control an estimated 85% of the capital. A U.N. force of Kenyan police, who do not speak Haitian Kreyol, has failed to reclaim any territory since its arrival in June of last year. > “Sleeping here is a nightmare.” More than 1 million people — around 10% of the country’s population — have been forced to flee their neighborhoods, according to the International Organization for Migration. In Port-au-Prince alone, 108 improvised displacement sites have emerged, set up in abandoned schools, empty lots or even narrow alleyways blocked off with makeshift barriers. With each wave of armed incursions — where armed groups violently take over neighborhoods — camps like the Caroline Chauveau National School, or the one near the Rex Theatre, and another in the Office for the Protection of Citizens in Bourdon, grow even more dense as fleeing people seek safety. “Sleeping here is a nightmare,” Rosiane Philidor, in the Caroline Chauveau camp, tells Truthdig. She is staying there with two of her four children and her husband after escaping the suburb of Savane Pistache. “We fled with nothing. And now, with all the ongoing gunfire around the camp during clashes between the police and gangs, I don’t feel safe at all. I can’t live like this anymore.” Previously a shopkeeper, Philidor now washes clothes to earn an income and care for her family. Her husband has hypertension and isn’t working, and her other two children have been taken in by friends. She said she and other women bear the consequences of economic precarity and violence disproportionately to men. “Men can come home calmly and tell you they have nothing. But you, as a woman, you’re obliged to find solutions because you have to feed, wash and protect,” she says. In the Caroline Chauveau camp, a woman does her laundry while chatting with others. (Photo by Magdala Louis) The stories I’m told share a common thread: that within the blue tarps of the camps, amid trash, overcrowding and extreme vulnerability to violence, women bear the heaviest burden. A recent U.N. report noted that with the increased violence and instability, women’s unpaid care workload has increased, sexual and gender-based violence have increased and 65% of female-headed households in the displacement camps face acute food insecurity. Women are also often forced to trade sex for food, and they describe attempted assaults, verbal abuse and leering stares. Philidor’s 16-year-old daughter became pregnant in the camp and won’t talk about what happened or who the father is. She appears traumatized, so the assumption is that she was raped. “She’s mocked by others. In situations like this, the burden falls entirely on women,” Philidor says. With nowhere else to turn, women in the displacement camps have found that they must stay united and support each other. Jessica Percena, in the camp by Rex Theatre, fled her home in Carrefour-Feuilles in November of 2022 with her infant. In the camp, she met another internally displaced woman who would become her child’s godmother. “She helps me, gives me food, sometimes money,” Percena says, noting that such help is still painfully insufficient in the absence of institutional support. Nevertheless, such grassroots solidarity also helped Roselène Mondestin, a mother of four and grandmother of two, stay strong. She fled Martissant, a large neighborhood in the south of the capital, in 2021, when gangs seized control of the main road. She sought refuge in the Dominican Republic, but after a year, she returned to Port-au-Prince to escape the manhunt launched by Dominican authorities against Haitians; a campaign during which one of her children nearly lost his life. But once back in Haiti, gang violence saw her again forced to join a displacement camp with her whole family. > “There is no safety.” “Other women here help me; we support each other, laugh together. It makes the days bearable, because we don’t have a government,” she tells Truthdig, explaining that they support each other by sharing food and clothes, and telling jokes to relieve the stress. Her network of solidarity helps to ease the isolation and hardship, and in critical moments, Mondestin says, the women step in and improvise care, such as when one of her daughters gave birth in the camp. In camps such as those at Rex Theatre and the Caroline Chauveau National School, women-led nonprofit organizations like the Haitian Association for Peace and Education are also doing what they can to support displaced women, often with limited resources and under precarious conditions. “The government hasn’t said a word about the camps or gangs,” Sabatini Medjina Arcelin, the group’s deputy coordinator tells Truthdig, referring to the transitional presidential council that is meant to be running the country at the moment and restoring order. “It’s often international organizations, working alongside local ones, that try to provide support.” These organizations provide food, health care and much-needed psychological support, but their efforts are inadequate given the scale of the crisis. Mental health care is particularly important, as the threat from gangs is ongoing. They have tried to move into camps, but police stopped them, and clashes between the two are regular. With gunshots echoing day and night, the people in the camps are stuck in the middle and constantly fearful. The front of the Rex Theatre camp. (Photo by Magdala Louis) “There is no safety,” Philidor says. “Stray bullets fly all the time. There are constant alerts, with no end in sight.” A final layer of vulnerability the women face relates to physical health care. The camps lack regular sources of clean water and rely on temporary latrines used by hundreds of people. Women must bathe their children with dirty water, manage their menstruation without privacy and sometimes give birth without assistance. Infections are common. And yet, even under these strains, Arcelin notes, “Women cook, care for others, look for odd jobs.” Arcelin tells me that what they really need is relocation to decent housing, financial aid, health care, psychological support and programs for pregnant teens. But there is little optimism that these things will be provided on an adequate scale soon, especially as women in the displacement camps are completely overlooked by the mainstream media or those with any influence. The displaced women of Port-au-Prince, she says, will continue to rely on each other for survival in a dire situation that calls out, not just for aid, but for structural justice. “The women carrying the load here deserve to live as human beings,” she says. “Women are simply asking for a decent life, not charity.”

Inside Haiti’s Displacement Camps

Fleeing gang violence brought by a political vacuum, women bear the burden of surviving amid institutional collapse.

www.truthdig.com/articles/inside-haitis-d...

#truthdig #haiti

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Original post on mastodon.world

Where Do the Kurdish Militias Go From Here?

Rohlat Afrin, leader of the Women’s Protection Units, explains her vision for integrating Kurdish forces into the Syrian army.

<> I thought Ocalon agreed to stop armed resistance? This article needed to refresh the current backstory to be […]

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Party of Smug: "It’s high time to put a spike through serves-you-right liberalism." by ‪Eoin Higgins‬ at #Truthdig

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The Disaster of Our Own Making Got Worse This Year - Truthdig How the climate emergency deepened in 2024.

www.truthdig.com/articles/the...

#truthdig #climatechange

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Does the United Healthcare Assassination Augur a New Age of Political Violence? - Truthdig The delighted reaction to the murder of a CEO points to a rise in radicalization.


Does the United Healthcare Assassination Augur a New Age of Political Violence?

The delighted reaction to the murder of a CEO points to a rise in radicalization.

www.truthdig.com/articles/doe...

#ChristopherKetcham
#Truthdig

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Losses Go Deep in the Fight for Better Health Care - Truthdig The "unwinding" of pandemic-era Medicaid expansion programs highlights the acute need for a complete overhaul of the U.S. healthcare system.

"It’s simple enough. All too many of us are skipping needed care. In 2022, more than one of every four adults (28% of us) reported delaying or going without some combination of medical care simply because they lacked the ability to pay."
- Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis

#Healthcare #Truthdig

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